Suchergebnisse

Cet article explore les discours des publics engagés dans l'humiliation en ligne, utilisant notamment le mépris, émotion que nous suggérons être au cœur des discours de haine dissimulée. Nous travaillons sur des données grecques chypriotes, qui se limitent à des commentaires d'articles grand public postés sur des plateformes d'accès libre, et focalisés sur l'immigration et la communauté non hétérosexuelle. Nous ancrons l'analyse de nos données dans une approche CADS ( Computer Assisted Discourse Analysis ) qui combine l'analyse critique de discours et la linguistique de corpus. Nous nous focalisons sur les tropes employés lors de commentaires négatifs, notamment la métaphore et l'ironie. Ces tropes permettent en effet à la fois d'humilier et de convaincre par leur pouvoir de catégorisation et présentent en particulier les êtres non-hétérosexuels et non-autochtones comme déviants socialement, sexuellement ou ontologiquement. Le mépris joue le rôle d'articulation argumentative dans cette recatégorisation puisque cette émotion se caractérise par le rejet de l'Autre dans une classe inférieure et par la construction du Soi dans une classe supérieure, opposition idéologique typique du processus d'aliénation sociale. Ce processus peut aboutir à la déshumanisation des individus ciblés par ces discours.

In this article I examine ways in which emotional distance is narrated in autobiographical accounts of language learning and then I suggest how these insights might inform the pedagogic goal of integrating creativity and emotion in language teaching. Citing extracts from autobiographical interviews (with British adults who had learnt French or German) I show how learners valorize the language learning experience, both linguistically (through ludic engagement with new semiotic resources) and culturally (through self-positioning as cosmopolitan outsiders). My claim is that this type of narrative

The French politician François Fillon, for a long time considered the frontrunner in the French presidential campaign, saw his strong position crumble to the third in most of the polls, after the circulation of rumors against him and his family also known as Penelopegate. Such rumors were at the heart of the 2017 French and American presidential campaigns. In fact, the terms post truth, fake news and alternative facts could be seen as symbols of the current information crisis, i.e. the mistrust felt by many readers regarding the media. The present study sets out to investigate the argumentation used to deconstruct and reconstruct François Fillon's ethos after dissemination of such rumors on social media. Drawing on the theoretical framework developed by Amossy (2014 et al.) and Maingueneau (2004 et al.) on the analysis of self-presentation and in particular on the concepts of (re)branding and scenography, we analyze the discursive strategies deployed by discussants in face management of the French politician's image. Our data include two different genres (tweets and posts on newspaper forums) and our findings corroborate Amossy's research (2014) on strategies used in such face work management as denial of responsibility (sympathy), victimization (empathy) or face threats against the opponents (anger). We have also observed the use of a catastrophic scenario (fear), which was not present in Amossy's data. ; The French politician François Fillon, for a long time considered the frontrunner in the French presidential campaign, saw his strong position crumble to the third in most of the polls, after the circulation of rumors against him and his family also known as Penelopegate. Such rumors were at the heart of the 2017 French and American presidential campaigns. In fact, the terms post truth, fake news and alternative facts could be seen as symbols of the current information crisis, i.e. the mistrust felt by many readers regarding the media. The present study sets out to investigate the argumentation used to deconstruct and reconstruct François Fillon's ethos after dissemination of such rumors on social media. Drawing on the theoretical framework developed by Amossy (2014 et al.) and Maingueneau (2004 et al.) on the analysis of self-presentation and in particular on the concepts of (re)branding and scenography, we analyze the discursive strategies deployed by discussants in face management of the French politician's image. Our data include two different genres (tweets and posts on newspaper forums) and our findings corroborate Amossy's research (2014) on strategies used in such face work management as denial of responsibility (sympathy), victimization (empathy) or face threats against the opponents (anger). We have also observed the use of a catastrophic scenario (fear), which was not present in Amossy's data.

Dans les sociétés en conflit telles que la société chypriote, le discours dominant nationaliste a tendance à homogénéiser les communautés en présence et, par conséquent, à promouvoir des rapports ethniques et des rapports sociaux de sexe stéréotypiques. Cet article présente et analyse les données provenant d'organisations féministes non gouvernementales qui ont, pendant cette dernière décennie, organisé des contacts inter-ethniques, des projets communs et des ateliers de résolution de conflit à Chypre. Ces organisations ont permis, d'une part, de mettre au jour pour les participantes l'essentialisme et les relations de pouvoir qui caractérisent les rapports sociaux de sexe actuels et, d'autre part, de souligner des éléments communs et des différences intra et intercommunautaires, mettant en place les conditions pour une compréhension genrée du conflit et l'inclusion des femmes dans les négociations à venir pour la paix.

This book reports on research carried out as part of the European Union co-funded C.O.N.T.A.C.T. project which targeted hate speech and hate crime across a number of EU member states. It showcases the bearing that discourse analytic research can have on our understanding of this phenomenon that is a growing global cause for concern. Although 'hate speech' is often incorporated in legal and policy documents, there is no universally accepted definition, which in itself warrants research into how hatred is both expressed and perceived. The research project synthesises discourse analytic and corpus linguistics techniques, and presents its key findings here. The focus is especially on online comments posted in reaction to news items that could trigger discrimination, as well as on the folk perception of online hate speech as revealed through semi-structured interviews with young individuals across the various partner countries. ; European Commission, DG Justice: Rights, equality and citizenship programme (C.O.N.T.A.C.T.: JUST/2014/RRAC/AG/ HATE/6706) ; peer-reviewed

La « globalisation linguistique » implique de plus en plus la création de bases de données multilingues, qui à leur manière reconstruisent le genre. Cette étude est consacrée à la représentation du sexe et du genre dans la base multilingue européenne EuroWordNet . Sont établis les enjeux relatifs à la représentation sémantique, les hiérarchies de sens, et les « attributs » les plus courants pour chaque entité « homme » et « femme ». Des changements sont proposés pour que les bases multilingues informatisées prennent en compte les travaux universitaires consacrés au sexisme dans la langue.

Migration phenomena characterised by a large influx of populations can easily question our conception of territories and social relations. Since this conception is part and parcel of our identity, migration has the power to trigger political discourses on identity issues. One such occasion has indeed been unravelling lately, especially since the summer of 2015, with the arrival in the European Union (henceforth EU) of migrants from a variety of places, and in particular from regions in conflict, such as Syria, Libya or Iraq, countries under totalitarian regimes, such as Erythrea, as well as countries with high levels of poverty, such as Pakistan and Bangladesh. As a result, Europe has been politically and socially shaken: photos of thousands of migrants roaming across Europe have made the news, and such media images have been instrumentalised to serve different, often far-right, political agendas.

Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- 1 Introduction and Background -- 1.1 Hate Speech in the EU and the C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Project -- 1.2 Regulating Hate Speech in the EU -- 1.3 Hate Speech in the Online Setting -- 1.4 The C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Research Workstream -- References -- 2 The C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Methodological Approach -- 2.1 Harvesting and Analysing Online Comments to News Reports -- 2.2 Approximating Perceptions of Hate -- References -- 3 Analysis of Online Comments to News Reports -- 3.1 Categorisation and Defence Strategies -- 3.2 Stereotyping Vulnerable Groups -- 3.3 From 'Patriotism' to Hate: Axiological Urgency in Online Comments Related to Refugees -- 3.4 Metaphors Related to Othering the Non-natives -- 3.5 The Implicit Dimension of Discriminatory Discourse -- 3.6 Changing Participant Roles in the Expression of Hate Speech -- References -- 4 Young People's Perception of Hate Speech -- 4.1 Youth and Hate Speech in the (Mediatised) Public Sphere -- 4.2 Resistance Against Hate Speech: Generation 'Snowflake' or Generation 'Woke'? -- 4.3 Folk Characterisations of Hate Speech -- 4.4 Thoughts on Regulating Hate Speech -- 4.5 It All Depends on Who Discrimination Targets -- 4.6 The Conceptual Contiguity of Race and Religion -- 4.7 Hate Speech and the Communication Medium -- 4.8 Hate Speech, Cyberbullying and Online Anonymity -- References -- 5 Concluding Remarks -- References.